Introduction
Spirituality and religion are two closely related and interconnected concepts. Religion provides guidance for human happiness and well-being, with one of its fundamental principles being a connection with the source of existence—God. The Baha’i Mashriqul-Adhkar, is introduced within the Baháʼí community as a symbol of spirituality. However, its diverse architectural styles and predetermined locations raise challenging questions in the public mind regarding the faith’s claim to religious authenticity.
At the same time, some believe that spirituality can be experienced without following a specific religion. This perspective often revolves around fostering positive feelings, hope, and inner peace through various methods, as well as finding joy in different aspects of life. Some of these experiences include practices such as yoga and meditation, which lead individuals toward inner tranquility, or engaging in adventures like exploring nature and hiking. These activities, through both mental and physical exercises, enhance one’s sense of meaning and connection with the world.
Also, self-awareness and personal development, shaped through social interactions, encourage individuals to help others, fostering a sense of satisfaction and engagement with society. This process creates a spiritual experience, strengthening the connection between individuals and their communities. Although each of these approaches has positive aspects, personal spiritual experiences alone cannot fully define the relationship between humans and their Creator. This lack of authenticity becomes evident when the commercialization of such experiences spreads worldwide under various labels.
Like other intellectual movements, the Bahá’í Faith has also capitalized on this trend. One example is the establishment of the “Mashriqul-Adhkar”, introduced as a Bahá’í place of worship, promoting spirituality detached from religious affiliation within different societies. This perspective has been adapted and integrated into local cultures by Bahá’í communities.
What is the Baha’i Mashriqul-Adhkar?
The charismatic movement of the Bahá’í Faith can be analyzed within the framework of concepts such as secularism, humanism, individualism, and capitalism.[1] This is because Bahá’í teachings and leadership emphasize shared values across societies, aiming to create overlaps with various aspects of these ideas. Consequently, Bahá’í spirituality has been shaped within these contexts, seeking social recognition, particularly in communities where religious pluralism, modern intellectual movements, and individualism have developed under liberalism and democracy.
After presenting the claim that “We have no clergy,” the Bahá’í administration strategically prepares audiences to enter a space called the Mashriqul-Adhkar. This approach creates a welcoming and unrestricted atmosphere for individuals. At first glance, visitors may feel free to choose their own style of prayer and worship based on their ethnicity, nationality, or religious background. However, in reality, promotional messaging around the Baha’i Mashriqul-Adhkar suggests that this freedom may be more limited than it initially appears.
The presence of Bahá’í missionaries, the distribution of promotional books and brochures related to the twelve principles, special programs for children, and efforts to integrate them into the organization are all structured methods of recruitment within the Bahá’í Faith. These initiatives, originally introduced by Bahá’í leaders, have now evolved into policies directed by the Universal House of Justice. Therefore, the Bahá’í claim that “We have no clergy” does not negate the ideological influence and authority exercised within Bahá’í society.
Entering such a space is reminiscent of the story of “Pinocchio and the Land of Toys”—a fictional world where a colorful lollipop and a coachman are enough to captivate a child’s attention. In this imagined city, spirituality is used to offer unrestricted freedom to children in an environment free from parental supervision and traditional educational structures. However, in the end, this seemingly liberating experience subtly leads them toward submission in a different form.
How was the first Baha’i Mashriqul-Adhkar built?
Mashriqul-Adhkar in Ashgabat [2]
Before the construction of the first Baha’i Mashriqul-Adhkar in Ashgabat, the Bahá’ís were already active in the city and had even been permitted to establish their own schools. [3] In 1901 CE (1319 AH), despite the small Bahá’í population, ‘Abdu’l-Bahá sent Mírzá Muhammad-Taqí Afnán to Ashgabat to establish the first Mashriqul-Adhkar. [4] With the support of the Bahá’í administration, 150 workers were engaged daily in its construction until it was completed in 1907 CE (1325 AH). [5]
The Bahá’ís formed a regional assembly, turning Ashgabat into their central hub for missionary activities. In subsequent years, a propagation committee was established, missionaries were dispatched to other cities, and Bahá’í outreach expanded throughout Turkmenistan. In 1917 CE (1335 AH), the magazine The Sun of the East (Khorshid-i-Khavar) was launched to counter criticism, while various committees were formed to strengthen missionary efforts.
This process led to a significant increase in the number of Bahá’í students and missionaries. [6] Examination of Tsarist Russia’s role in supporting this movement reveals specific objectives related to the expansion of Bahá’í influence within its colonies at the time.
1-The Role of Russia in the Construction of the Mashriqul-Adhkar in Ashgabat
One of the most evident examples of colonial support for the Bahá’í Faith was Tsarist Russia’s role in the construction of the Mashriqul-Adhkar in Ashgabat. This support extended to such an extent that the inauguration ceremony of the building was conducted under the supervision of high-ranking Russian officials. A senior general, accompanied by his delegation, attended the groundbreaking event and personally monitored the progress of the construction. [7]
Such actions indicate that Tsarist Russia pursued specific objectives through its support for the Bahá’í movement. This policy was part of broader colonial strategies aimed at expanding influence in the region, with the Bahá’í Faith serving as one of the instruments of this approach.
2-The Role of the Mashriqul-Adhkar in the Bahá’ísm Propagation and Influence
The Baha’i Mashriqul-Adhkar in Ashgabat, the first Bahá’í house of worship, demonstrated that—contrary to Bahá’í claims—these structures are not merely places for prayer but serve as tools for direct and aggressive proselytization. These buildings function as “silent missionaries,” as their distinct and non-uniform architectural designs captivate the attention of every visitor.
Why does the Bahá’í administration design its Mashriqul-Adhkar in the United States to resemble the White House, in India as a lotus flower, in Africa akin to traditional homes, and in Australia in harmony with local structures? Unlike Abrahamic places of worship, which follow consistent architectural patterns, the Bahá’í Faith does not adhere to such principles. This suggests that the primary goal of these buildings is not spiritual ambiance, but rather tourist attraction and audience engagement.
Contrary to common perceptions, the Baha’i Mashriqul-Adhkar sites do not offer structured spiritual programs. In fact, some of the activities conducted there include choir-style hymns, a phenomenon noted by Denis MacEoin. [8] This raises the question: Is the true purpose of these establishments to serve as religious centers, or are they primarily institutions providing social, welfare, and financial services under the guise of worship?
3-The Baha’i Mashriqul-Adhkar: A House of Worship or a Promotional Tool?
Margit Warburg, in her book “Citizens of the World”, emphasizes that these places of worship have not gained significant popularity among local populations. [9] This raises the question: “Is the Bahá’í administration investing heavily in these structures to create tourist attractions that benefit its economic interests?”
William Garlington, who was a Bahá’í community member for 20 years, states in the book “The Bahá’í Faith in America” that regarding the “Mashriqul-Adhkar in Wilmette”, “Since its completion in 1953, it has been estimated that some 5 million visitors have passed through the building’s doors, and yet today very few Americans have any substantial knowledge of the religion it represents. To some degree, this has been the result of a lack over the years of both general publications on the Baha’i Faith and overall media coverage.” [10]
This analysis suggests that the Bahá’í administration relies on symbolic religious landmarks for its survival, while these structures’ function more like tourist sites. In response, Bahá’í media actively works to sustain the organization’s presence and boost community morale. By repeatedly showcasing the architectural appeal of these places—even in the absence of visitors—and creating image archives, the administration seeks to preserve the Bahá’í visual heritage.
Ultimately, are the Baha’i Mashriqul-Adhkars merely tourist attractions, or are they part of a larger strategy for cultural influence? This is a question that the Bahá’í community must reflect upon.
The Baha’i Mashriqul-Adhkar: A Symbol of Spirituality or an Economic Instrument?
To date, nine national Mashriqul-Adhkars and several local ones have been constructed in different countries. The development of these buildings requires material supply, land acquisition, and collaboration with contracting companies. However, the key question remains: “Where do the financial resources for these projects come from?”
Are these structures solely religious symbols, or do they serve economic and promotional purposes behind the scenes? What benefits do government officials who approve their construction gain from these projects? If the Bahá’í administration did not have such a strategic plan for building Mashriqul-Adhkars, would it still be able to acquire and own land in such locations?
In reality, if the Bahá’í Faith did not intend to construct a grand, symbolic building, could it have still secured government assistance for purchasing land to establish a simple administrative facility? Is it possible that there is a mutual arrangement at play—where the value of these lands holds greater significance for the Bahá’í community than its spiritual objectives?
1-Financial Resources and Underlying Objectives
The Bahá’ís should ask: “Are Bahá’í tourist centers funded solely through member donations and the 19-day Feast gatherings? Do the contracting companies involved in the construction of these buildings not derive any financial profit from these projects?”
Even if these initiatives align with the Universal House of Justice’s objectives, it would be reasonable for the Bahá’í International Community (BIC) to provide transparent reports on the extent to which these goals have been realized—whether within the United Nations or affiliated NGOs.
2-The Right of the Bahá’ís to Evaluate These Projects
The Bahá’ís worldwide have the right to assess the effectiveness of these centers and adjust their trust in the administration based on tangible results. If these structures do not yield a meaningful impact, wouldn’t it be more appropriate to allocate financial resources toward supporting needy Bahá’í families first, ensuring that community members can participate in religious gatherings with greater peace of mind?
Conclusion
An analysis of the construction and objectives of the Baha’i Mashriqul-Adhkars with in the faith reveals that these structures function not only as houses of worship but also as integral components of a structured promotional and economic system. From the first Mashriqul-Adhkar in Ashgabat to the modern establishments around the world, these sites have consistently played a role beyond mere religious devotion.
The construction of such buildings requires financial resources, land, and large-scale building materials, all of which are unlikely to be secured without special sponsorships. The support of certain governments in issuing permits for these centers raises questions about the mutual benefits these projects provide to them.
As a symbol of the Bahá’í Faith, Mashriqul-Adhkars adopt varied architectural styles across different regions. However, unlike places of worship in Abrahamic religions, they lack a unified design pattern. This suggests that visual appeal and promotional influence are fundamental aspects of their architectural philosophy.
Furthermore, the Bahá’í community has the right to assess the effectiveness of these structures in fulfilling their declared purpose. Have these buildings genuinely contributed to spiritual growth, or have they primarily functioned as attractions for Bahá’í promotion and tourism?
Ultimately, the core question remains:
“Are the Baha’i Mashriqul-Adhkars tools for expanding spirituality, or are they part of a broader strategy for cultural control?”
This issue requires further scrutiny and transparent responses from the Bahá’í administration.
References:
- Edward H. Berman, The Influence of the Carnegie, Ford, and Rockefeller Foundations on American Foreign Policy: The Ideology of Philanthropy, translated by: Elyasi Hamid, Ney Pub. Fourth ed.
- Graham Hassall, Notes on the Babi and Bahá’í Religions in Russia and its territorie published in Journal of Bahá’í Studies, 5:3, pp. 41-80.
- Fádil Mázandarání, Zuhuru’l-Haqq (Persian copy), Vol 8-2, National Ins. of Bahai Publications, 131 Badi.
- Ibid, 983.
- Ibid, 985.
- Ibid, 990.
- Ibid, 997.
- MacEoin, Mashrik al-Adhkar , in C. E. Bosworth, E. van Donzel,B. Lewis, and Ch. Pellat (eds.), The Encyclopedia of Islam, vol. 6, Leiden, Brill, 1991, p. 720.
- Warburg, Margit, Citizens of the World: A History and Sociology of the Baha’is from a Globalization Perspective, pp.492-3,Brill,2006.
- Garlington, William, the Baha’i Faith in America, Praeger Publishers, 2005.p.XIX.
