Ruhi books in the Baha’i Faith, is a danger to human identity

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Abstract

Baha’i organization establishes Ruhi books and schools to obtain new human resources. These schools work under the management of the Baha’i headquarters named Universal House of Justice in Israel and operate according to its regulations. Baha’i organization carry out their socio activities under cover of non-governmental organizations. Covers such as social, environmental, cultural and economic services are the sparks of the establishment of Ruhi books. In Ruhi education system, members will talk to each other on Baha’i subject, moral and social issues (in theoretical and practical form) based on the content of 14 books.

With the passage of time, through a process of identity transformation, a person accepts the Baha’i identity for himself, and unconsciously, symbols are created in the behavior and ethics of the members, which are rooted in the goals of the Baha’i organization. The administration of these thoughts is designed by the Baha’i Dar al-Tabligh (Baha’i Teaching Centre) in Israel. Therefore, the output of spiritual classes has been matched and localized according to the organization’s prediction. With this method, he transfers his identity to non-Bahá’í youth without creating sensitivity in the communities and uses the future and young generation of the communities to form the Bahá’í community.

 

What is the Ruhi Institute?

The Baha’i Faith, a cult has been started  in the 1860s in Iran, but quickly mobilized, through a structured program of dissemination in the form of international plans of action and the movement of pioneers (unpaid missionaries).

Since the late 1990s the Ruhi Institute has dominated the way the Baha’i Faith is taught and practiced. It is a structured plan of activities called ‘the Ruhi process’ which involves the systematic study of short booklets with summary information about different aspects of the religion plus practice activities, a ‘Junior Youth Spiritual Empowerment Program’, ‘study circles’, ‘children’s classes’ and ‘devotionals’ (gatherings to read the spiritual writings).

These are seen as a comprehensive doctrinal and practice foundation, to the extent that younger and newer members of the religion know little outside of the material available in these sources. On any given night of the week in Perth, where the current author is located, there will be three or four Ruhi book classes being undertaken, with anywhere from two to eight or more participants. Baha’is will often ‘do’ these multiple times,

To attract the audience to the unsaid Baha’is from different directions. At this stage, empathy with the audience is one of the promotional methods of Ruhi classes (spiritual meetings). The teaching method is developed in such a way that the audience is not allowed to ask questions and learn more.

The Baha’i missionaries are also trained to become “Ruhi Book Tutors”. Tutors has the duty to prevent the class from entering into challenging discussions and to encourage the members to propagate the Baha’i Faith.

 

Synergy between knowledge structures and targeted population

These programs are marketed in a number of ways, but the goal is to encourage ‘seekers’ to engage in small learning group and social activities using the book’s exercise.

They also include rote learning and recitation (like the Catholic catechism, with fixed questions and answers, and where phrases are memorized and recited collectively) and questions asking for ‘fill in the blank’ answers, as well as discussions.

The materials also include scripts and opportunities to practice how to ‘teach’ others about the Baha’i Faith. They offer a very condensed, and to some extent selective, version of the Bahá’í Texts.

For example in Colombia, where the Ruhi Institute was developed, is estimated to be 90% Catholic, suggesting a synergy between the format of instruction and the knowledge structures of the population initially being targeted.

Considering that the Baha’i organizations expect the members to experience    different methods of propaganda service in the practice of Ruhi books.

Therefore, this process has made it impossible for members to access the texts of Baha’i leaders and the truths of the Baha’i Faith. So that the contents of the Ruhi books have replaced the original teachings and quotations of Baha’ism.

 

The process of teaching Ruhi books

The danger in this process is the loss of the ‘spirit’ of the original movement, with an increasing focus on the preservation and replication of formal structures and practices.

Through this, the numerical focus of the earlier phases of worldwide ‘plans’ has been extended to individual practice and knowledge dissemination. The Ruhi training uses management principles and language, and demonstrates characteristics of McDonaldization.

The mechanism of the spiritual process is such that during collective participation programs and discourses, three main identity factors are changed in the members:

1- Emotions and feelings

2- thoughts and ideas

3- Type of behavior

Therefore, the person seems to be attracted to Baha’i, but the confessions admit that he is willing to accept the Baha’i identity under the influence of an organizational belief. For this reason, the Baha’i Faith is called a legal-organizational belief and not a religious ideology.

These include that Ruhi has become a monopoly in terms of information about the religion; that it contradicts the Baha’i principles of ‘independent investigation’ and the Baha’i emphasis on diversity by insisting on a single, simplified version of the religion; that it inhibits criticism.

 

You can know by a handful the whole sack (Uzbekistan)

“Be aware of propagating the Baha’i Faith for your teenagers and children,” warning of the police.

The families protested of the sectarian attention their children in the Baha’i Faith. So, the police supported the parents’ complaint.

But what’s the story?! And what is complained?

Their children found the Baha’is attractive! This attraction was started with a simple invitation: “Drinking a cup of tea!” Then, a friendly relationship formed. After a while, the teenagers invited the Baha’i conversion meeting (Ruhi classes). Here, members (children, teenagers and young) should do whatever the Baha’i organization told them. Even leaving their family!

It’s really a modern kidnap!

This example is one the hundred attempts of the Baha’is to take the vital information of CIS and Middle East countries for the Baha’i community and Zionism.

It’s in clear violation of not only the law, but also humanity law. Due to not have the consent of their parents. Isn’t it against international children rights?

 

Baquia critique of Ruhi using Hofsted analysis

In a critique that entitled Baha’i Rant (Baquia 2009), Baquia analyses the phenomenon’s lack of popularity in the United States using Hofstede’s well-known analysis of national cultural characteristics. Hofstede (2001) identified three axes of cultural difference which he argued distinguish one culture from another:

1-The power–distance index

2-Individualism or collectivism

3-Uncertainty avoidance

   Baquia demonstrates how Ruhi is a product of its point of origin, and argues it is inappropriate in other national contexts, using Hofstede. She argues that it is unsurprising that Ruhi has been taken up wholeheartedly by the Iranian diaspora by noting the affinity between the two cultures (Iranian and Colombian).

She argues both Iranian and Colombian share:

  • High uncertainty avoidance (liking a script to learn),
  • High tolerance for power inequality (liking to be led)
  • Very low individualism (liking to work in groups and think collectively)

Thus, the scripted information, rote learning in groups, and being led by an authoritative group leader, all suit the cultural characteristics of Colombians and Iranians.

It is also worth noting that the structure of the Ruhi program may reflect the cultural characteristics of its originator, an Iranian living in Colombia, Dr Farzam Arbab.

‘Baquia’ suggests that American Baha’is tend to be resistant to Ruhi as their cultural characteristics, as identified by Hofstede, are the direct opposite of the characteristics of Colombians and Iranians:

  • They dislike power inequality
  • They are comfortable with uncertainty
  • They are highly individualistic

While such arguments are vulnerable to the accusation of being somewhat simplistic and essentialist, the general observation that the Ruhi approach is culturally specific is sound.

‘Baquia’ analysis by using Hofstede methods clarifies that the system of Ruhi classes in practical step approaches the culture of each region in order to fulfill the goals of the Baha’i organization.

 

Conclusion

Ruhi class is an organized effort and purposeful activity to focus Baha’is in community building. During the socialization process, the identity change of the people absorbed in the Ruhi class happens with a significant percentage in the communities. Although in every society the culture and religion of that region creates obstacles for the progress of these actions, Baha’i organization tries to take a step towards the goals of the Baha’i government in every country by disrupting the social and religious systems of the societies. Baha’i investment is to attract the young generation of each country so that it can maintain its dynamism. This effort has made Ruhi classes provide a basis for keeping the disappointed and discouraged Baha’i youth busy. Therefore, Bahá’ís accept the role of individual agency and, under the pretext of implementing the recent 9-year plan of the House of Justice, members of Bahá’í and non-Bahá’í families, including the young, the elderly and children, are involved in the implementation steps.

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